Contemplating Cold War II—————————–
A commentary
By J. F. Kelly, Jr.
World War II ended in 1945 and was followed shortly thereafter by Cold War I as the USSR occupied most of Eastern Europe. It ended in December of 1991 with the collapse of the Soviet Union. That collapse was precipitated by President Ronald Reagan’s massive defense buildup which helped convince the Soviet leaders that they could not match America’s ability to finance and maintain a superior military capability. It demonstrated the principle that a strong offensive capability backed by a strong economy is the best defense and the United States became the world’s sole superpower.
Those of us old enough to remember that Cold War, recall the fear and uncertainty that prevailed, knowing that a military incident or miscalculation could spin out of control and cause a devastating nuclear war. The concept of assured mutual destruction prevented that but not the fear and uncertainty or the close encounters such as the Cuban missile crisis.
Today, we seem to be careening toward another cold war. The Trump Administration, accused repeatedly by the left and mainstream media of cozying up to the Russians, has acted in a way that seems anything but cozy during its first two years. It recently announced that it will withdraw from the 1987 Intermediate-range Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF) with Russia, which bans nuclear missiles with a range between 500 to 5,500 kilometers, because of repeated Russian violations extending over the past decade. U.S. officials claim that Russia now has four battalions of the banned weapons, up from an earlier estimate of three, which has led to over 30 U.S. complaints according to our State Department.
Our Director of National Intelligence, Dan Coats, said in November that these weapons were “designed to target critical European military and economic infrastructure and thereby be in (a) position to coerce (our) NATO allies”. NATO said in a statement that its members fully support the U.S. withdrawal from the treaty but that apparently wasn’t enough for Senate Democrats, ten of whom, including presidential candidates Elizabeth Warren, Kamala Harris and Kirsten Gillibrand, introduced legislation to force the U.S. to continue honoring the treaty anyway. But treaties, to be worth the paper they are written on, must be honored by all parties to it. Why should the United States unilaterally honor a treaty which limits its ability to defend itself and its allies when the other side has been cheating for ten years?
This is typical of the reasoning of many liberals who argue that America occupies the high road by adhering to agreements, whether dealing with arms control, climate control or trade, even though the other party or parties may be cheating or, indeed, may have demonstrated repeatedly by past performance that they cannot be trusted to comply with the terms they have agreed to. North Korea, Iran, China and Russia come to mind. We do not occupy the moral high ground when we ignore arms control treaty violations that put our nation or our allies at risk.
Democrat senator Jeff Merkly acknowledged that there is no doubt that Russia is violating the INF Treaty. “But the right path,” he said, “is to seek to bring them back into compliance.” Good luck with that approach after 30 formal attempts to do so. Russia took advantage of U.S. compliance with INF while they themselves developed weapons prohibited by the treaty, putting the U.S. at a significant disadvantage should this be the start of a new weapons race. It is bad enough to be victimized by trade or climate treaties but treaties that establish arms control are a different matter. Arms control treaties may make liberals feel good even if we are the only party complying but if the other party cannot be trusted and continues to cheat even after being caught at it, they are worse that worthless; they put us at risk and there is nothing morally uplifting about that.
February 17, 2019